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Theoretical and Transnational Perspectives on the Anglo-Saxon Model

Asia, Australia, Transnational Education and Research Networks: Implications for the ‘Anglo-Saxon Model’

L’Asie, l’Australie, l’éducation transnationale et les réseaux de recherche : implications pour le « modèle anglo-saxon »
Sophie Koppe

Résumés

Cet article présente une analyse du rôle que jouent ensemble l’éducation, le modèle anglo-saxon, et le capitalisme social. Il comprend également une discussion sur l’existence d’un modèle anglo-saxon de capitalisme social. En comparant des pays comme le Royaume-Uni et l’Australie, qui ont longtemps gardé des liens forts, l’existence même d’un tel modèle peut être remise en question. Au cours des vingt dernières années, l’Australie a en effet développé des politiques sociales bien plus strictes qu’au Royaume-Uni en imposant de plus en plus de responsabilités aux bénéficiaires de ces programmes, tout en créant un appareil institutionnel distinct pour gérer ces programmes. La géopolitique semble pouvoir expliquer les différences entre l’Australie et le Royaume-Uni. L’Australie est très proche de l’Asie, et l’un des objets d’échange les plus importants entre les deux régions est l’éducation. Cet article montre que l’éducation, et en particulier l’éducation transnationale dans les pays asiatiques, peut être associée à la diffusion d’idées néolibérales, en particulier en ce qui concerne les limites du rôle de l’Etat dans le domaine de l’éducation. La première partie de l’article présente les spécificités du système d’éducation australien, et la manière dont il a intégré des idées néolibérales. La seconde partie de l’article se concentre davantage sur les politiques sociales et la vision du rôle de l’Etat.

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Entrées d’index

Index géographique :

Australie, Asie, Europe, Australia, Asia
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Texte intégral

Introduction

1In The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Esping-Andersen defines a liberal model which he considers decisively Anglo-Saxon. And in later works, he clearly associates being liberal to being Anglo-Saxon in later works :

  • 1 Gosta Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies, Oxford: OUP, 199 (...)

If we define the liberal model in terms of the weight of residualism (few rights and modest levels of decommodification) and of markets, there is clear evidence of nation clustering. The two attributes are highly correlated. The liberal welfare regime is, furthermore, almost inevitably Anglo-Saxon: the United States, Canada, Australia, Ireland, New Zealand and the UK.1

  • 2 Gosta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Oxford: OUP, 1990, 42.

2Esping-Andersen describes the regime as one “in which means-tested assistance, modest universal transfers, or modest social-insurance plans predominate”.2 The Anglo-Saxon model is also frequently mentioned in the media or in political speeches. In France it is, more often than not, depicted as a social and economic model the country needs to keep at a distance, as it is portrayed as contradictory with core national values such as solidarity.

  • 3 Gosta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Oxford: OUP, 1990, 162.

3Welfare capitalism is not capitalism per se, but it is nevertheless intrinsically linked to the latter as welfare policies are a way to counterbalance some effects of capitalism. It is a distinctive style of capitalism, which emerged in the first half of the 20th century, where social security programmes and collective bargaining agreements are expected to improve the welfare of different social groups in a capitalist economy : “Pre-War reformist writers foresaw that full employment with welfare policies would establish a capitalism that was both more humane and more productive”.3

  • 4 There is no denying that the United Kingdom underwent neo-liberal welfare reforms but t (...)

4This article will analyse how education, the Anglo-Saxon model and this particular type of capitalism are intertwined. Is there an Anglo-Saxon model of welfare capitalism ? Comparing countries like the United Kingdom and Australia which have long shared very close links (Australia being referred to as the British outpost in Asia) places the very existence of such a model into question. Over the last twenty years, Australia has indeed developed much more stringent welfare policies than the United-Kingdom,4 the balance of the rights and duties of welfare recipients definitely weighing in favour of duties as well as a very distinctive institutional set-up for the delivery of welfare programmes.

  • 5 Neo-liberal is here used instead of liberal due to the ambiguity of the latter in Engli (...)

5Geopolitics seems to partly account for the differences between the two countries. With the United Kingdom in Europe and Australia close to Asia, their respective positions on the spectrum of comprehensive welfare policies is diametrically reversed. While the United Kingdom would be among the fiercest proponents of neo-liberal5 ideas in Europe, Australia would definitely be considered as too generous by many of its Asian neighbours. As a matter of fact, Asia is often mentioned by Australian politicians as one of the reasons why the country needs to reduce welfare payments if the country wants to remain internationally competitive. So Australia’s closeness to Asia might be one of the reasons why the two countries have grown apart over the years as far as welfare policies are concerned.

  • 6 Transnational education refers to education that is received by students in their home (...)

6One of the strongest exchange points between those two regions is education. Education is the first export service for Australia, and it mostly concerns Asian countries. It also represents an area of choice for ideas and values to be swapped. We will see here how education, and in particular transnational education6 in Asian countries, can be associated with the diffusion of neo-liberal ideas. Exchange of ideas on the adequate role of the state has to play in the field of education can work both ways.

7In order to play a part in this exchange of ideas, education institutions need to be open to these ideas. The first part of this article will focus on the specificities of the Australian education system, on how it has gradually integrated neo-liberal ideas. Its most obvious characteristic is the way it is linked to economic growth. Andrew Steward, Minister for Trade and Investment, recently confirmed the importance of Education in the Australian economy :

  • 7 Andrew Robb, “Education geared for growth”, The Australian, 30 September 2013.

Whenever I have discussed Australia’s trade performance, I have always been surprised by how many people still don’t realise the importance of Australia’s international education sector.
It is Australia’s fourth largest export, behind iron ore, coal and gold, and last year it had student enrolments of more than 500,000, earned $15 billion in revenue, and employed more than 100,000 people. And that’s on top of the invaluable benefits that Australia gains each year through strengthened people-to-people and institution-to-institution linkages that will last decades.
This is what makes Australia’s international education sector such a remarkable contributor to our trade performance on any measure.7

  • 8 We use the term internationalisation of higher education and not globalisation partly b (...)

8Two elements will help understand how higher education might play a part in the diffusion of neoliberal ideas: its commodification and its internationalization.8

9The second part of the paper will be more focused on social policy and the vision of the role of the state. What can the consequences of academic links with Asia on what the state is expected to do be? Have Australian academics tried to spread Australian ideas abroad or have they integrated some of the notions enforced in Asia ?

A perfect structure for policy transfer9

The commodification of Australian higher education

  • 10 1851: University of Sydney, 1853: University of Melbourne, 1874: University of Adelai (...)
  • 11 Simon Marginson, “Education in the global market: lessons from Australia”, Academe, v (...)

10If higher education is to be a vessel for values such as the virtues of competition or individual responsibility, these standards should form part of its own ethics. Over the last 30 years, the Australian higher education system definitely underwent radical changes. To establish the depth of those changes, an overview of the pre-existing system is required. The first two Australian universities, Sydney and Melbourne, were founded in the 1850s. On the eve of the First World War, there was one university in each of Australia’s six states.10 Unsurprisingly, before the 1950s, most Australian post-graduate students were either in the United Kingdom or the United States; there were only 8 Australian universities, and they were clearly in the shadow of their British counterparts. But along with the economic growth that covered the following three decades, there was an unmistakable rise in the number of students enrolled in higher education: from 30,772 in 1955 to 273,137 in 1975.11 The number of institutions also increased. The Commonwealth government took a more and more significant part in the funding of higher education, so that in 1974, the Commonwealth government was indeed the main source of resources. Students, who had had to pay partial fees up to then, were granted free access to tertiary education. For the Whitlam labour government, elected in 1972, Education was to “be the great instrument for the promotion of equality” :

  • 12 Gough Whitlam, It’s Time : 1972 Election Policy Speech. 13 November 1972. <http://whi (...)

We will abolish fees at universities and colleges of advanced education. We believe that a student’s merit rather than a parent’s wealth should decide who should benefit from the community’s vast financial commitment to tertiary education. And more, it’s time to strike a blow for the ideal that education should be free. Under the Liberals this basic principle has been massively eroded. We will re-assert that principle at the commanding heights of education, at the level of the university itself.12

  • 13 Simon Marginson, “Competition and Markets in Higher Education: a ‘Glonacal’ Analysis” (...)

11For Marginson, higher education was seen at that time as an intricate part of the nation-building process.13 It was expected that spending more on education and research would lead to an increased GDP. But with the end of the economic boom in 1973 and the election of a right-wing government in 1975, things began to look gloomier for the higher education system. The Commission on Tertiary Education, established by a Labor government, summed up the following decade as such:

  • 14 Commonwealth Tertiary Education Commission. Review of Efficiency and effectiveness in Higher (...)

Total government outlays were virtually unchanged in real terms over the decade at $2,100 million even though the number of students increased by one-third and total student load (in terms of equivalent full-time students) increased by one quarter.
Total public sector funding of higher education as a proportion of GDP, which doubled between 1965 and 1975, declined by more than one-third between 1975 and 1985.
Operating grants to higher education increased in real terms by sixteen per cent during the decade (compared with an increase of twenty-five per cent in student load, but capital expenditure in 1985 was less than one fifth of the real level in 1975. […]
Funds for equipment did not increase in real terms, even though the student load increased by a quarter.14

  • 15 The Coalition is made of the national party and the liberal party which are both righ (...)

12Even though the commission was set up by a Labor Government and delivered a clearly negative assessment of what their predecessors had done, it still reflects the evolution of governmental attitude towards higher education. In a time of budgetary constraints, the Coalition15 was eager to argue that it would unfair for the average taxpayer to fund students who would later earn good wages. It was keen to reintroduce student fees but could not because it would have been too unpopular. The commission also establishes a link between the economic situation and the efforts made towards higher education. This is at least how the Hawke/ Keating Labor governments justified the drastic changes that were enforced from the late 1980s onwards. Their approach was fundamentally different from that of the previous Labor government and many reasons can account for such an evolution :

  • 16 R.J. Hawke, Australian Labor Party Policy Speech, Federal Election Campaign Launch, F (...)

In a rapidly changing economic environment, the entire education, training and re-training system must be placed under constant review to ensure its maximum relevance to the requirements of a changing economic environment.16

13In the 1980s, Australia’s economy had become particularly vulnerable to the cyclic booms and recessions of the world economy because of its dependence on the export of primary products and its protected and non-export oriented manufacturing sector. Australia was then seen as at risk of becoming a “banana republic”. In the early 1980s the balance of trade was clearly an issue for the country :

Graph 1: Australian exports and imports as % of GDP

Graph 1: Australian exports and imports as %           of GDP

Source : Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian national Accounts, cat no. 5204.0 and 5206.0

14The Labor party thus decided to improve the country’s efficiency and international competitiveness by opening its economy and subjecting it to the discipline of international markets. This is exemplified by the above graph, which shows how exports and imports have represented an ever-increasing part of the GDP. This was done for instance through the deregulation of the financial sector and the floating of the Australian dollar.

15But it also entailed an effort to move away from its traditional reliance on natural resources and thus a need to focus more on skills development: The productivity, efficiency and work orientation of the new skilled workers would enhance Australia’s competitiveness on international markets. The afore-mentioned commission was set up so that higher education could “respond flexibly to the requirements of economic growth”.

16A similar type of rhetoric was also developed in a document published by the Ministry for Employment, Education and Training. The document is the transcript of a speech given by John Dawkins who is regarded as the most influential higher education minister in Australia. The government’s plans were introduced as such :

  • 17 John Dawkins, The Challenge for Higher Education in Australia, Canberra:AGPS, 1987, 4

In other statements in budget context, the government has made clear its determination that our education and training system should play a central role in responding to the major economic challenges which still confront us.
[…] Our traditional attitudes to education and skills formation in Australia have been conditioned by an economy which had been able to rely more on natural resources than on human skills to support our living standards and national development.
Just as these circumstances have changed dramatically, so too must our attitudes and practices in education and training.
[…] the performance of our higher education system is of particular importance to the government’s objectives.17

17Not only was higher education supposed to accompany this transformation of the economy, but it was also supposed to generate more revenue. In 1985, the Education Minister Susan Ryan could be heard on national television saying :

In Hong Kong itself and in Japan, we have very affluent clientele, who are for various reasons very interested in studying in Australia, and would have no difficulty meeting the cost of courses. So I think that we’ll see a big improvement in the next few years in terms of revenue and by exported education services.18

18There were two key dimensions to this policy: students had to pay significant fees and research was to be turned into something more commercial. Competition between universities was clearly expected to lead to innovation and to a more efficient system, which better met the needs of “customers”.

  • 19 Student fees were abolished in 1974 under the Whitlam government as mentioned above. (...)
  • 20 Simon Marginson, The Dynamics of Competition in Higher Education: the Australian Case (...)

19This strategy first became obvious in 1987 with the creation of inter-university competition, the re-introduction19 of student fees and a year later competitive bidding for innovation funds and staff development.20 These reforms are often referred to as the “Dawkins Revolution”. The higher education minister had introduced the new measures as follows :

  • 21 John Dawkins, Higher Education : A policy Statement, Canberra: AGPS, 1988, 10.

Consistent with the government’s objective of excellence in higher education, measures will be implemented to encourage institutions to be efficient, flexible and responsive to changing national needs. These will include measures to make more productive use of institutional resources and facilities, including institutional consolidations and more systematic credit transfer arrangements ; greater targeting of resources at the institutional level and improved institutional management increased flexibility and incentives for performance for both institutions and individual staff, and encouragement of an environment of productive competition between higher education institutions.
[…] Institutions will be able to compete for teaching and research resources on the basis of institutional merit and capacity.21

  • 22 id.

20The minister was set on these reforms. He assured he wouldn’t be : “deterred however, by the attitudes of a few… those who have a vested interest in protection of the status quo, regardless of the wider national interest”.22

21Later on, in 1993, a national quality assurance scheme was implemented. Gradually, academics had to adopt and adapt to neoliberal ideas, at least in order to get the necessary funds to maintain decent working conditions.

22With the election of the right wing Coalition government in 1996 :

  • 23 Janice Dudley, Higher Education, Neo-Liberalism and the Market Citizen, Phd Thesis, M (...)

Prioritising individual choice and demand side rather than supply side approaches, the Howard government rejected the more statist national planning and coordination which had characterised Labor’s approach to higher education policy. Its market was not to be the managed quasi-market of labor – rather its rhetoric was of independence, market freedom and de-regulation.23

23There were thus new cuts in funding and increased student fees after the election.

Table 1 : University Income by source24

  • 25 HECS was established by the Higher Education Funding Act 1988. Students have to (...)

1939

1951

1961

1971

1981

1987

1991

1994

1996

1998

2001

HECS25

-

-

-

-

-

-

11.7

12.8

11.6

17.2

17.4

Student fees and charges

31.7

16.7

8.6

10.4

0.0

2.3

9.8

10.8

13.4

16.0

19.8

Commonwealth

0.0

20.5

43.9

43.0

89.3

82.9

61.7

60.1

56.7

50.8

43.8

State government

44.9

43.7

36.3

35.7

0.8

1.0

5.1

1.9

1.4

1.1

1.7

Other

23.3

19.0

11.2

10.8

9.9

13.7

11.7

14.4

16.9

14.9

17.5

24In the 1996 Budget statement, the government announced a cumulative reduction of more than 4% in “operating grants” :

A reduction in the operating grants of each higher education institution of 1% in 1997, 3% in 1998, and 1% in 1999 will be applied on a cumulative basis. Institutions will be expected, wherever feasible, to maintain the current level of undergraduate places and to make any necessary adjustments at the non-research postgraduate level.26

  • 27 Simon Marginson, Towards a Politics of the Enterprise University, in S. Cooper, J. Hi (...)

25This gradual withdrawing of Commonwealth government funding clearly represented an attempt to compel institutions to adopt a more market-oriented approach. Marginson illustrates this change when he states that the per-student value of Commonwealth grants was reduced to 40 per cent of the 1975 level in real terms.27 He draws constant parallels between 1975 and the early years of the Howard Government, underlining that in 2001 Australia spent only 0.8 per cent of GDP on the public funding of higher education, half the level of 1975, even though the rate of participation in higher education had doubled. In 2009, public investment in tertiary education represented 0.7 per cent of GDP. When (While?) in the 1970s students had paid nothing, the current generation of students carries one of the highest public tuition charges in the OECD.

Internationalisation

26Over the years, diverse neoliberal mechanisms were adopted by the higher education system in Australia. But this was not sufficient to enable the diffusion of those ideas outside the country. A significant aspect of the reforms higher education underwent was linked to its internationalization, because, as a consequence of reduced public funding, universities needed to widen their sources of income.

27This internationalization includes two aspects: First, training more and more foreign students in Australia and then developing campuses and programmes abroad.

International students in Australia

28Foreign students were initially welcomed in Australia in order to generate revenue, as they were paying higher fees than Australian students or permanent residents.

29But increasingly the number of students coming from abroad also represented an opportunity to create new links with countries that had been previously kept at a distance, in other words with Asian countries. What would those new links entail ? Simply the adoption of Australian values by those students that would share them back home or also the diffusion of some of their values in Australia ?

30For Australian ideas to be easily spread in other countries, Australia would need to welcome a significant number of students from those countries. And indeed the percentage of foreign students in Australian Universities rose quite significantly. Figures from the OECD show that Australia is the country with the highest percentage of international students (onshore).

Graph 2 : Percentage of international students in higher education in 2011

Graph 2 : Percentage of international students         in higher education in 2011

Source : OECD education at a glance, 2013, 311

31And the country attracts a significant number of students comparatively to its population size; it comes third after the United Kingdom and the United States. It is clear from those statistics that the language of instruction matters.

Chart 1 : Percentage of foreign tertiary students reported to the OECD who are enrolled in each country of destination in 2011

Chart 1 : Percentage of foreign tertiary         students reported to the OECD who are enrolled in each country of         destination in 2011

Source : OECD education at a glance, 2013, 307.

32Where do those students come from ? Generally speaking and according to the OECD :

  • 28 OECD, Education at a Glance 2011 : OECD Indicators, Paris : OECD Publishing, 2011.

Among international students originating from non-member countries, students from China represent by far the largest group, with 18.2% of all international students enrolled in the OECD area (not including an additional 1.3% from Hong Kong, China). A significant number of Asian students studying abroad also come from Indonesia, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Nepal, Pakistan, Singapore and Thailand.28

Graph 3 : Country of origin of international Students in Australia, 2010 (in %)

Graph 3 : Country of origin of international         Students in Australia, 2010 (in %)

Source : Australia Education International, “International student enrolments by nationality in 2011”, Research Snapshot, April 2012.

33So the Australian education system targets a significant number of Asian students and keeps doing so through transnational education.

Transnational education

34Transnational education is the provision of education to international students by Australian providers offshore. For example, an Australian university may have campuses in one or more countries outside Australia. In 2012, 26% of all international students enrolled in Australian higher education institutions were studying in another country.

Graph 4 : International students enrolled in Australian Higher Education Institutions

Graph 4 : International students enrolled in           Australian Higher Education Institutions

Source : Australian Education International, “Transnational education in the higher education sector”, Research Snapshot, 2004-2013.

  • 29 Universities Australia, International Links Data, 2013

35Most of those campuses are in Asia. In November 2013, Universities Australia published data on international university links.29 The repartition of actual offshore campuses went as follows :

Chart 2 : Australian offshore campuses

Chart 2 : Australian offshore campuses

Source : Universities Australia, International links data30

36It is worth noticing that some countries, like China for instance, do not allow foreign countries to open their own campuses but require that foreign universities work together with national universities. The following pie charts include joint programs like PhDs co-tutelles and this explains why France is included in the chart.

Chart 3 : Offshore programs/ Joint Programs

Chart 3 : Offshore programs/ Joint           Programs

Source : Ibid.

37The success of offshore education can partly be explained by a stringent legislation on immigration, which prevents many prospective students from coming to Australia. There is also the issue of safety and cost. In 2009, after attacks on overseas students, the latter organised a series of protests. The government, which was extremely worried about the consequences of the protests on its revenues, denied the obvious racist dimension of those attacks. This further infuriated the students who contacted their embassies to denounce their living conditions and the fact that their well-being was deemed less important than the income they generated. Graph 4 shows a clear drop in the number of overseas students in 2010. Offshore education seemed a safer and less costly way to study, while getting the same degree in the end. For the government it represented a way to alleviate the drop in overseas students on Australian soil. Furthermore, Australia is clearly interested in this market because of its potential growth – more and more Asian students are likely to further their education. Areas like Singapore and Hong Kong are even trying to be turned into educational hubs (welcoming offshore campuses from different countries) and have developed partnerships with Australian universities.

38Education and particularly higher education is considered as a growing market that needs to be deregulated to be further developed. Australia thus actively campaigned for a deregulation of education services in different WTO rounds. It has been said that :

  • 31 Michael Gallagher, Internationalising Education. Address to the Sixth Annual National (...)

Australia and Australian universities are hardly neutral players. We have grown our trade in education services and in all four ‘modes of supply’ at a much faster rate than any other country in the world and we are generally regarded (or demonised) as aggressive exporters of education services.31

39So the country is trying to sell a certain approach to education worldwide. Associated with the idea of internationalization are public references to education as an ‘industry’ rather than as a ‘sector’, and institutions behave in an aggressively market-oriented manner unthinkable 30 years ago.

  • 32 Brandon Nellson, New offshore brand for Australia’s $5 billion international educatio (...)

It is vital that we maintain the high quality of our education exports.
Alongside the review of Higher Education, I have spent this year developing a comprehensive package of measures to further strengthen this vital export industry.32

  • 33 Christopher Evans, The Future of Australian International Education : Speech to the U (...)

The visa integrity reforms also remove incentives for international students to seek permanent residence through low quality education courses, a practice that damaged the integrity of both the migration program and the education industry.
By bringing the brightest and best from the world to our shores, this industry is helping transform our country by injecting youthful vitality, globalising our economy and enmeshing our people in the knowledge revolution.33

40Considine and Marginson coined the term ‘Enterprise University’ :

  • 34 Simon Marginson and Mark Considine, The Enterprise University: Power, Governance, and (...)

‘Enterprise’ captures both economic and academic dimensions, and the manner in which research and scholarship survive but are now subjected to new systems of competition and demonstrable performance. ‘Enterprise’ is as much about generating institutional prestige as about income. In the Enterprise University, the economic and academic dimensions are both subordinated to something else. Money is a key objective, but it is also the means to a more fundamental mission: to advance the prestige and competitiveness of the university as an end in itself.34

Circulation of a social model ?

41Two elements essential to a transfer of ideas have been mentioned: A source of transmission – the higher education institutions and the recipient – the students they train in Asia or in Australia. But it might not simply be a one-way type of transfer. It is worth analysing how Asia, Australia and their social models are intertwined in the light of the comments and reflections of different Australian researchers.

Giving lessons

  • 35 Philip Mendes is an Associate Professor in the Department of Social Work, Faculty of (...)

42Among experts on Australian social policy, several of them went to Asia to teach on offshore campuses. For instance, Mendes35 went to Singapore to teach and summed up his experience in an article on Singaporean social policy :

  • 36 Philip Mendes, “An Australian Perspective on Singaporean Social Policy”, Social Work (...)

I am an Australian social policy specialist who has recently begun teaching two social policy subjects to Singaporean social work students. My concern is to move beyond my existing assumptions around Western welfare states to make these subjects relevant in political and cultural terms to these students. What follows is an account of my initial reflections on the key components of Singaporean welfare policy.36

43The question here is whether this type of intervention helps the diffusion of Australian concepts, whether it is really possible to move beyond one’s assumptions when teaching (or not?). Another question would be to see if this influential researcher used what he learned In Singapore in his research.

44Mendes noticed that Asian countries that had managed to overcome the 1997 crisis might be of interest to the Australian government. But he was also quick to explain that Australians were seeing Asia more as a commercial partner than as a source of inspiration. If Australian researchers have shown interest in social reforms implemented in some Asian countries, the latter are still considered less advanced than Australia.

  • 37 Peter Saunders, “Economic Growth and Social Security : Aspects of recent Asian Experi (...)

45Another influential name of Australian social policy, Peter Saunders, former director of the Social Policy Research Centre at the University of New South Wales, pondered over whether it was possible to learn from the Asian economic crisis. He did so as a witness before a parliamentary commission. He was wondering to what extent economic growth alone had provided social protection in Europe and how the poor had survived the economic crisis. Would the Asian economic experience increase demands to speed up the implementation of formal social security arrangement or would it reveal the strength and resilience of informal support mechanisms? If at first he stated that industrialised countries could learn from those features which promote social protection through family and community initiatives, he ended his introduction with the following question : “In this context what can Asia learn from the social security experience of the industrialized countries ?”37

46The research centre he ran had started organizing conferences with Asian partners on a regular basis from the mid 1990s onwards, for instance the Asia Social Policy forum was held in Thailand in 1995. From earlier on, annual reports of the research centre mentioned had invited scholars from China, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Malaysia Taiwan or Thailand.

47Here is an example of the topics addressed during a workshop on Asian social policy held in 1999 :

The aims of the Workshop included the following :

• to assess the effects of the financial crisis on social reform ;
• to identify constraints to the development and implementation of social protection and social security in the countries represented ;
• to consider what the Australian social security experience can offer for the design, delivery and evaluation of social security programs ;
• to focus attention on informal social protection mechanisms and their viability in the broader context of social development ;
and
• to promote research that will explore new issues and encourage new forms of collaborative work.38

48This clearly demonstrated the wish and capacity of Australian social experts to help Asian countries overcome their difficulties in the aftermath of the 1997 economic crisis. Those academic links with Asia and most particularly China are further illustrated by the Chinese Social Policy Workshop held every other year since 2007 at the same time as one of the most important social policy conferences in the country: the Australian Social policy Conferences at the University of New South Wales.

Manifestation of the influence

49How has this influence shown ? Western researchers have tried to establish social models specific to Asia. It is interesting to see how those models have been influenced by what some call the “Anglo-Saxon model”.

  • 39 Catherine Jones, “Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan : Oikonomic Welfare St (...)
  • 40 Ian Holliday, “Productivist Welfare Capitalism : Social policy in East Asia”, Politic (...)
  • 41 Ian Gough, Insecurity and welfare regimes in Asia, Africa and Latin America, Cambridg (...)

50Western researchers have thus tried to describe an East Asian welfare regime. The first attempt was made by Jones who described the Oikonomic Model.39 She was mainly interested in specific cultural aspects, specifically Confucianism. According to her, it called for a lesser role of the state than Judeo-Christianism. Individuals were expected to rely on their own means and if they couldn’t do so, they had to turn to their families. Critics said that it was too simplistic and artificial. Holliday then grouped the more stable economies of the area into a productivist welfare model where social policies were only implemented to reinforce economic growth.40 Gough continued Holliday’s analysis by demonstrating that social spending was mainly targeting health and education as part of a nation building process.41 Aspalter added that new governments often passed such legislation in order to strengthen their legitimacy. So for the proponents of an East-Asian Welfare model the latter could be summed up as such :

  • Low public expenditure on social welfare ;

  • Productivist social policy focused on economic growth ;

  • Hostility to the idea of the welfare state ;

  • Strong residualist elements ;

  • Central role for the family ;

  • Regulatory and enabling role for the state ;

  • Piecemeal, pragmatic and ad hoc welfare development ;

  • Use of welfare to build legitimacy stability and support for the state ; and

    • 42 Paul Wilding, “Is the East Asian welfare model still productive ?” Journal of Asi (...)

    Limited commitment to the notion of welfare as a right of citizenship.42

51How do values from English-speaking countries interact with this list? There are easy parallels to be drawn, many interventions from Asian leaders show that they have absorbed the neoliberal rhetoric. Even though Hong Kong and Singapore have a singular status in Asia, we will need to use them as examples because speeches and texts can easily be found in English and also because they are affluent societies, likely to have some type of safety net.

  • 43 Raymond Chan, “The struggle of welfare development in Hong Kong”, in Christian Aspalt (...)
  • 44 Jobseekers had to go visit placement agencies on a regular basis as well as get invol (...)
  • 45 Centrelink Annual Report 2005-2006, Centrelink Annual Report 2004-2005, Centrelink An (...)

52In Hong Kong for instance, the authorities had been using language such as “those who can pay should pay”, “those who use it should pay for it” “better utilization of resources” or “sharing the responsibility of financing the services”.43 In 1998 when a report was published on the new workfare programme, the Comprehensive Social Security Scheme,44 there was concern of a possible emergence of a dependency culture even though the abuse and fraudulent cases were extremely rare, dependency being a neoliberal term. Reference was then made to the western welfare system where it was obvious that when benefits were too close to wages it led to long-term dependency. It would be groundless to say that these expressions undoubtedly come directly from Australia. Hong Kong’s history is such that the links with the United Kingdom are strong, but there have been frequent visits by Hong Kong official delegation to Centrelink45 (Australia’s one-stop-shop for welfare payments).

53In Singapore, jobseekers were characterized as too choosy ; a term also used in Australia, though seven years earlier in these examples :

  • 46 Kan Seng Wong, Speech at the 25th Anniversary Dinner of the National Transport Worker (...)

But there are still anecdotal accounts of job seekers being too choosy. There was a recent report of a retail chain facing a problem of finding people to take up jobs. [...] Could it be that some job seekers can still afford to pick and choose because they are not as hungry as those in other countries ? Some of our job seekers did not want to take up the jobs offered because they found the workplace too far, or the pay too low. But since they are unemployed, I hope they will give serious thought to their decision. A few hundred dollars is still better than zero. In this highly competitive world, we cannot afford to be complacent.46

  • 47 Tony Abbott, Speech: Beyond the unemployment pieties, Melbourne, 1999. <http://www.to (...)

This isn’t really the jobseekers’ fault. They are the victims of a culture of entitlement, which came into existence at roughly the same time unemployment became entrenched. For most of the 80s and early 90s, the interaction of static or falling real wages in many low-skill occupations coupled with indexed welfare benefits plus the debilitating experience of long term unemployment itself helped to create an unemployment subculture of people who want to work but only on their own terms. If some people became too choosy for their own good, the ‘system’ was at least partly to blame because, for too many, the ‘hassle’ of working outweighed the deprivations of not working.47

54There are multiple similar examples: When the Community Care Endowment Fund, a social assistance scheme, was introduced in Singapore, authorities directly used Australian expressions, in particular the notion of “mutual obligation” coined by the John Howard government in the 1990s. The Fund was here to “provide assistance, not welfare”.48 Australia cannot of course be the only influence on Singapore on such issues, but it remains a significant one.

Conclusion

55The higher education system is certainly a good means to spread a certain vision of the state as academics working on social policy, on the role of the state, have participated in offshore programs. This is easily ascertained in the case of Australia which did everything it could to develop a particularly efficient (market-oriented) and internationalised education system. The incorporation of neoliberal ideas by Australian higher education institutions has clearly facilitated the spreading of these ideas in a variety of fields such as social policy.

56What is striking when one analyses the countries where Australian offshore programmes have been implemented is that some of the elements that have been labeled as “Anglo-Saxon” are found there : a reduced role of the state in the fight against poverty, the responsibility of the individual (or of their families) but also the necessity to be deserving in order to be granted what the state has to offer. Because of the language barrier, we were only able to take the example of two former British “colonies”, and could not look at all Asian countries. In both these enclaves rhetorics similar to the Australiapren rhetorics are to be found. Officials from Hong Kong and Singapore have made regular visits to Australian job centres and other bodies linked to welfare reform. Various notions are sometimes expressed in terms which sound very similar to those used in Australia, which suggests that they have been borrowed from there. It cannot be certain, of course, that Australia is their sole source of inspiration, but it is at least one among others.

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Notes

1 Gosta Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies, Oxford: OUP, 1999, 77.

2 Gosta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Oxford: OUP, 1990, 42.

3 Gosta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Oxford: OUP, 1990, 162.

4 There is no denying that the United Kingdom underwent neo-liberal welfare reforms but they did not go as far as Australian reforms : Australian universities heavily depend on international students to survive, Australian jobseekers were more heavily sanctioned than their British counterparts if they did not follow the rules, etc.

5 Neo-liberal is here used instead of liberal due to the ambiguity of the latter in English. Neo-liberal more clearly hints at notions such as commodification, competition, etc.

6 Transnational education refers to education that is received by students in their home country but given by institutions from other countries.

7 Andrew Robb, “Education geared for growth”, The Australian, 30 September 2013.

8 We use the term internationalisation of higher education and not globalisation partly because globalisation mainly refers to “economic globalization”. There is undeniably a link between “economic globalization” and the internationalisation of higher education but they are not exactly the same thing. Knight explains that “globalisation is a phenomenon of a process which is affecting many sectors and disciplines and education is no exception. Internationalisation of higher education is both a response to globalisation as well as an agent of globalisation. Internationalisation is changing the world of high education and globalisation is changing the process of internationalisation.”

9 Policy transfer is defined by Dolowitz and Marsh as such : “policy transfer [refers] to the process by which knowledge of policies, administrative arrangements, institutions and ideas in one political system (past or present) is used in the development of policies, administrative arrangements, institutions and ideas in another political system.”

10 1851: University of Sydney, 1853: University of Melbourne, 1874: University of Adelaide, 1890: University of Tasmania, 1909: University of Queensland, 1911: University of Western Australia.

11 Simon Marginson, “Education in the global market: lessons from Australia”, Academe, vol. 88, n° 3, 2002, 22. There were 1.2 million higher education students in 2010 (source: ABS).

12 Gough Whitlam, It’s Time : 1972 Election Policy Speech. 13 November 1972. <http://whitlamdismissal.com/1972/11/13/whitlam-1972-election-policy-speech.html>, accessed March 1, 2014.

13 Simon Marginson, “Competition and Markets in Higher Education: a ‘Glonacal’ Analysis”, Policy Futures in Education, vol. 2, n°2, 2004,178. <http://firgoa.usc.es/drupal/files/jepf22004marginson.pdf>, accessed on March 2, 2014.

14 Commonwealth Tertiary Education Commission. Review of Efficiency and effectiveness in Higher Education, Canberra: AGPS, 1986, 4-5.

15 The Coalition is made of the national party and the liberal party which are both right-wing parties.

16 R.J. Hawke, Australian Labor Party Policy Speech, Federal Election Campaign Launch, February 16 1983.

17 John Dawkins, The Challenge for Higher Education in Australia, Canberra:AGPS, 1987, 4.

18 Susan Ryan, ABC Interview, 1985, <http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/rearvision/australias-education-exports/3053120>, accessed in October 2015.

19 Student fees were abolished in 1974 under the Whitlam government as mentioned above. Until then students had always had to pay tuition fees but the part of the latter in the overall cost of education had gradually decreased with the development of scholarships for instance. Whitlam’s decision was the last step in the democratisation of higher education but it was soon to be considered too costly.

20 Simon Marginson, The Dynamics of Competition in Higher Education: the Australian Case in Global Context, Monash Centre for Research in International Education, 2004. <http://apo.org.au/node/9110>, accessed in October 2015.

21 John Dawkins, Higher Education : A policy Statement, Canberra: AGPS, 1988, 10.

22 id.

23 Janice Dudley, Higher Education, Neo-Liberalism and the Market Citizen, Phd Thesis, Murdoch University, 2009, 109.

24 Kim Jackson, Higher Education Funding Policy, 2000. <http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/Publications_Archive/archive/hefunding>, accessed in October 2015.

25 HECS was established by the Higher Education Funding Act 1988. Students have to make a financial contribution to reduce the cost of their course. They can pay up-front and get a discount, or they can have the Commonwealth pay the contribution for them and repay the debt through the tax system when they earn enough.

<http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/Publications_Archive/archive/hecs>, accessed in October 2015.

26 Australian Commonwealth Government, Budget Statement 1996. <http://www.budget.gov.au/1996-97/State3/bst03.pdf>, accessed in March 2014.

27 Simon Marginson, Towards a Politics of the Enterprise University, in S. Cooper, J. Hinkson and G. Sharp (eds.) Scholars and Entrepreneurs : The University in Crisis, (Melbourne, Arena Publications), 2002, 114.

28 OECD, Education at a Glance 2011 : OECD Indicators, Paris : OECD Publishing, 2011.

29 Universities Australia, International Links Data, 2013

<https://www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/global-engagement/international-collaboration/international-links - .Uzl4JiRUNUM>, accessed in October 2015.

30 See <https://www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/global-engagement/international-collaboration/international-links>, retrieved on April 2, 2014.

31 Michael Gallagher, Internationalising Education. Address to the Sixth Annual National Teaching Forum of the Australian Universities Teaching Committee, Canberra, 2 December 2002.

32 Brandon Nellson, New offshore brand for Australia’s $5 billion international education industry, 9 December 2002. <http://www.dest.gov.au/ministers/ nelson/dec02/n258_091202.htm>, accessed in March 2014.

33 Christopher Evans, The Future of Australian International Education : Speech to the University of Canberra, 27 October 2010. <http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;query=Id%3A"media%2Fpressrel%2F468186">, accessed in October 2015.

34 Simon Marginson and Mark Considine, The Enterprise University: Power, Governance, and Reinvention in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, 5.

35 Philip Mendes is an Associate Professor in the Department of Social Work, Faculty of Medicine at Monash University. Besides his publications in peer reviewed academic journals he is the author of influential books including, Inside the Welfare Lobby : A history of the Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS) (Sussex Academic Press, 2006) and Australia’s Welfare Wars Revisited (UNSW Press, 2008).

36 Philip Mendes, “An Australian Perspective on Singaporean Social Policy”, Social Work and Society, vol.5, n°1, 2007, 33. <http://www.socwork.net/sws/article/download/119/179>, retrieved on April 2, 2014.

37 Peter Saunders, “Economic Growth and Social Security : Aspects of recent Asian Experience”, in Hoskins Dalmer (Dir.), Social Security at the Dawn of the 21st Century, New Brunswick: Transaction, 2001, 69.

38 Peter Saunders, SPRC Newsletter, n°75, December 1999. <https://www.sprc.unsw.edu.au/media/SPRCFile/sprc_newsletter_75.pdf>, retrieved on April 2, 2014.

39 Catherine Jones, “Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan : Oikonomic Welfare States,” Government and Opposition, vol. 25, n° 4, 446-462, 1990.

40 Ian Holliday, “Productivist Welfare Capitalism : Social policy in East Asia”, Political Studies, vol. 48, n°4, 706-23, 2000.

41 Ian Gough, Insecurity and welfare regimes in Asia, Africa and Latin America, Cambridge, UK: CUP, 2004.

42 Paul Wilding, “Is the East Asian welfare model still productive ?” Journal of Asian Public Policy, vol. 1, n°1, 2008, 16.

43 Raymond Chan, “The struggle of welfare development in Hong Kong”, in Christian Aspalter (Dir.), Discovering the welfare state in East Asia, Westport: Preager, 2002, 93.

44 Jobseekers had to go visit placement agencies on a regular basis as well as get involved in “voluntary” activities. Those who refused to go to appointment or to take part in non-paid activities would not receive any benefit payments.

45 Centrelink Annual Report 2005-2006, Centrelink Annual Report 2004-2005, Centrelink Annual Report 2003-2004.

46 Kan Seng Wong, Speech at the 25th Anniversary Dinner of the National Transport Workers’ Union, Singapore, 2006. <https://www.mha.gov.sg/news_details.aspx?nid=MTc0-lvcyYk0TzLY=>, retrieved on March 25, 2014.

47 Tony Abbott, Speech: Beyond the unemployment pieties, Melbourne, 1999. <http://www.tonyabbott.com.au/LatestNews/Speeches.aspx>, retrieved on March 2, 2013.

48 South West Community Development Council. What is ComCare ? Singapore, 2005. <http://www.southwestcdc.org.sg/index>, retrieved on April 2, 2013.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Graph 1: Australian exports and imports as % of GDP
Crédits Source : Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian national Accounts, cat no. 5204.0 and 5206.0
URL http://lisa.revues.org/docannexe/image/8919/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 214k
Titre Graph 2 : Percentage of international students in higher education in 2011
Crédits Source : OECD education at a glance, 2013, 311
URL http://lisa.revues.org/docannexe/image/8919/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 237k
Titre Chart 1 : Percentage of foreign tertiary students reported to the OECD who are enrolled in each country of destination in 2011
Crédits Source : OECD education at a glance, 2013, 307.
URL http://lisa.revues.org/docannexe/image/8919/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 220k
Titre Graph 3 : Country of origin of international Students in Australia, 2010 (in %)
Crédits Source : Australia Education International, “International student enrolments by nationality in 2011”, Research Snapshot, April 2012.
URL http://lisa.revues.org/docannexe/image/8919/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 197k
Titre Graph 4 : International students enrolled in Australian Higher Education Institutions
Crédits Source : Australian Education International, “Transnational education in the higher education sector”, Research Snapshot, 2004-2013.
URL http://lisa.revues.org/docannexe/image/8919/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 191k
Titre Chart 2 : Australian offshore campuses
Crédits Source : Universities Australia, International links data30
URL http://lisa.revues.org/docannexe/image/8919/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 158k
Titre Chart 3 : Offshore programs/ Joint Programs
Crédits Source : Ibid.
URL http://lisa.revues.org/docannexe/image/8919/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 189k
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Sophie Koppe, « Asia, Australia, Transnational Education and Research Networks: Implications for the ‘Anglo-Saxon Model’ », Revue LISA/LISA e-journal [En ligne], vol. XIV-n°1 | 2016, mis en ligne le 24 février 2016, consulté le 17 octobre 2017. URL : http://lisa.revues.org/8919 ; DOI : 10.4000/lisa.8919

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Sophie Koppe

Sophie Koppe est maître de Conférences à l’Université de Bordeaux Montaigne. Après avoir soutenu sa thèse en 2010, elle travaille sur les politiques sociales en Australie et au Royaume-Uni.

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