Bibliographie
Primary Sources
Irish Times, 22, 23 December 1885.
Northern Star, 7 January 1792.
VAUGHAN W. E. and A. J. FITZPATRICK (eds.), Irish Historical Statistics.Population, 1821-1971, Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1978.
Secondary Sources
BARTLETT Thomas, “Select Documents XXXVIII. Defenders andDefenderism in 1795”, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 24, 1985, 373-381.
BLACKSTOCK Allan F, “‘A Dangerous Species of Ally’. Orangeism and theIrish Yeomanry”, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 30, 1997, 393-405.
BOLTON G. C, The Passing of the Irish Act of Union, London: OxfordUniversity Press, 1966.
BOWLER Stephen, “Sean Murray (1868-1961) and the Pursuit of Stalinism inone Country”, Saothar, vol. 28, 1993, 41-53.
BOYCE D. George, Nationalism in Ireland, London: Routledge,1995.
CLIFFORD Brendan, The Economics of Partition. A Historical Survey of Irelandin Terms of Political Economy, Belfast: Athol Books, 1992.
COONEY John, « En Campagne avec l’armée d’Humbert », Études Irlandaises, vol. 23, n° 2, 1998, 137-149.
COONEY John, “Two French Revolutionary Soldiers in Rebel Ireland, 1798”,Études Irlandaises, vol. 8, n° 2, 1988, 101-107.
COULTER Colin, “The Character of Unionism”, Irish Political Studies, vol. 9,1994, 1-24.
CURTIN Nancy J., The United Irishmen. Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin,1791-98, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.
CURTIN Nancy J., “The Transformation of the Society of United Irishmeninto a Mass-Based Revolutionary Organisation, 1794-96”, Irish HistoricalStudies, vol. 19, 1984-85, 463-492.
GARVIN Tom, “Defenders, Ribbonmen and Others. Underground PoliticalNetworks in Pre-Famine Ireland”, Past and Present, vol. 96, 1982, 133-155.
GARVIN Tom, The Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics, Dublin: Gill andMacmillan, 1981.
GIBBON Peter, The Origins of Ulster Unionism. The Formation of PopularProtestant Politics and Ideology in Nineteenth-Century Ireland, Manchester:Manchester University Press, 1975.
GIRARDET Raoul, Nationalismes et nation. Bruxelles : Éditions Complexe, 1996.
GUIFFAN Jean, La Question d’Irlande, Bruxelles : Éditions Complexe, 1997.
GUILLAUME André, L’Irlande. Une ou deux nations?, Paris: PUF, 1987.
HENNESSEY Thomas, “Ulster Unionist Territorial and National Identities,1886-93. Province, Island, Kingdom and Empire”, Irish Political Studies, vol. 8,1993, 21-36.
HEYWOOD Andrew, Political Ideas and Concepts, London: Macmillan, 1998.
HUTCHINSON Wesley, La Question irlandaise, Paris: Ellipses, 2001.
JEFFARES A. Norman, “Swift and the Ireland of his Day”, Irish UniversityReview, vol. 2, n° 2, autumn 1972, 115-131.
LEE J. J., “Grattan’s Parliament”, in Brian Farrell (ed.), The Irish ParliamentaryTradition, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan1973, 149-159.
MCCARTNEY Donal, “The Quest for Irish Political Identity. The Image andthe Illusion”, Irish University Review, vol. 9, n° 1, 1979, 13-22.
MCCLELLAND Aiken, “The Later Orange Order”, in T. D. Williams (ed.),Secret Societies in Ireland, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1973, 126-137.
MCCRACKEN J. L., “The United Irishmen”, inT. D. Williams (ed.), SecretSocieties in Ireland, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1973, 58-67.
MUNCK Ronnie, Ireland. Nation, State and Class Struggle, London: WestviewPress, 1985.
SAVAGE D. C, “The Origins of the Ulster Unionist Party, 1885-86”, IrishHistorical Studies vol. 12, 1961, 185-208.
SENIOR Hereward, “The Early Orange Order, 1795-1870”, in T. D. Williams(Ed.), Secret Societies in Ireland, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1973, 36-45.
SIMMS J. G., Colonial Nationalism, 1698-1776, Cork: The Mercier Press, 1976.
SMYTH Jim, “The Men of No Popery. The Origins of the Orange Order”,History Ireland, 1995, 48-53.
SMYTH Jim, The Men of No Property. Irish Radicals and Popular Politics in theLate Eighteenth Century, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1992.
WALKER Brian, “Changing Political Languages—II. Ireland’s HistoricalPosition. ‘Colonial’ or ‘Continental’ ”, The Irish Review, vol. 9, 1990, 36-40.
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Notes
The inverted commas enclosing the words colonial and native are used here as some historians deny the fact that there were once colonists and natives in Ireland. Brian Walker asserts for instance that Ireland did not share the same characteristics as the various British colonies, due to her integration with the United Kingdom through the 1800 Act of Union. Thereafter, unlike all the genuine British colonies endowed with their own assemblies, Ireland was allowed to send elected representatives to the London Parliament. To this argument one may nevertheless reply that Ireland was always subjected to the interests of the British central authorities notably through a Protestant oligarchy settled on the most fertile Irish lands since the inception of the 17th century. Moreover, by developing a superiority complex vis-à-vis the natives of Catholic faith, the Protestants of all persuasions were regarded as eternal “colonists”—except maybe during the first half of the 1790s. We are therefore entitled to believe, notwithstanding Walker’s assertion, that Ireland was treated in many respects like a colony at least until 1921. Hence the use of “Colonial” and “Native” in the present article. See Brian Walker, “Changing Political Languages—II. Ireland’s Historical Position. ‘Colonial’ or ‘Continental’”, The Irish Review, vol. 9, 1990, 36-40.
It is important to recall here that although the 1695-1727 Penal Laws essentially aimed atoppressing the Catholics some of them did not spare the Dissenters either. For example, the Sacramental Test Act imposed in Ireland in 1704 excluded all non-Anglicans from public office. See André Guillaume, Irlande. Une ou deux nations ?, Paris : PUF, 1987, 24; A. Norman Jeffares, “Swift and the Ireland of his Day”, Irish University Review, vol. 2, n° 2, autumn 1972, 120.
In the present article “Protestant” is used as a generic term referring to the non-CatholicChristians in Ireland. Although, arguably, the members of the established Church of Ireland were not Protestants strictly speaking—unlike the Dissenters such as the Presbyterians and the Methodists—it was common for them to be called “Protestants” rather than Anglicans, so as to distinguish them from both the Catholics of Ireland and the Anglicans of England.
On the different hues of Nationalism, see D. George Boyce, Nationalism in Ireland, London: Routledge, 1995, 18-19, 104-107; J. G. Simms, Colonial Nationalism, 1698-1776, Cork: The Mercier Press, 1976, 9; Raoul Girardet, Nationalismes et nation, Bruxelles : Éditions Complexe, 1996, 60-61.
Reactionary is a political term used to refer to any form of opposition to the idea of change orinnovation, likely to subvert the institutions which have come down from the past and on behalf of which it is necessary to fight so as to either maintain or restore them. Thus the Orange Order was founded with a view to retaining a system favourable to Protestant hegemony. For a brief introduction to the tenets of reaction, see Andrew Heywood, Political Ideas and Concepts, London: Macmillan, 1998, 286-293.
See J. J. Lee, “Grattan’s Parliament”, in Brian Farrell (ed.), The Irish Parliamentary Tradition,Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1973, 159.
See Nancy J. Curtin, The United Irishmen. Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791-98, Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1994, 63, 148, 151; J. L. McCracken, “The United Irishmen”, in T. D. Williams (ed.), Secret Societies in Ireland, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1973, 62; D. George Boyce, op. cit., 128.
Wesley Hutchinson, La Question irlandaise, Paris: Ellipses, 2001, 86-87.
According to some sources around two thirds of the militiamen had sworn allegiance to theDefenders by February 1795. A militia which was to comprise about 25,000 members three years later. See Nancy J. Curtin, op. cit., 165-166, 167.
On the origins of the Orange Order, see Peter Gibbon, The Origins of Ulster Unionism. The Formation of Popular Protestant Politics and Ideology in Nineteenth-Century Ireland, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1975, 23-40; Hereward Senior, “The Early Orange Order, 1795-1870”, inT. D. Williams (ed.), op. cit., 36-37; Jim Smyth, “The Men of No Popery. The Origins of the Orange Order”, History Ireland, 1995, 49-52; Nancy J. Curtin, op.cit., 155-157.
In County Armagh alone nearly 7,000 Catholics were driven out just a few months after the creation of the Orange Order. See Curtin, ibid., 156.
On the relationship between the Orange Order and the Irish Yeomanry, see Allan F. Blackstock, “‘A Dangerous Species of Ally’. Orangeism and the Irish Yeomanry”, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 30, 1997, 393-405.
See Ibid., 403; Peter Gibbon, op. cit., 40-42; Hereward Senior, op. cit., 38-40; Jim Smyth, op. cit., 52-53; Nancy J. Curtin, op. cit., 156; D. George Boyce, op. cit., 129.
The 1798 Rebellion caused more than 30,000 casualties—or even more than 50,000 according to some sources—the vast majority of whom were non-combatant civilians—that is civilians who did not take up arms. See Tom Garvin, The Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1981, 31.
See Ibid., 32; Hereward Senior, op. cit., 40; G. C. Bolton, The Passing of the Irish Act of Union, London: Oxford University Press, 1966, 218.
See Jean Guiffan, La Question d’Irlande, Bruxelles: Éditions Complexe, 1997, 35; Nancy J. Curtin, op. cit., 284; Brendan Clifford, The Economics of Partition. A Historical Survey of Ireland in Terms of Political Economy, Belfast: Athol Books, 1992, 52; Bolton, op.cit., 219-220; Donal McCartney, “The Quest for Irish Political Identity. The Image and the Illusion”, Irish University Review, vol. 9, n° 1, 1979, 14-16; Wesley Hutchinson, op. cit., 91-92. It is also worth noting that, by virtue of the Act of Union, Ireland lost its Parliament and was henceforth represented in London by 100 MPs (as against 300 in Dublin) out of a total number of 658 MPs in the House of Commons and by 32 peers (instead of 250 in Dublin) in the House of Lords. See Guiffan, 36; Hutchinson, 92.
The 1881 census revealed that the Protestants of all persuasions accounted for 49,7 % of Ulster’s population, that is 865,856 out of their total number of 1,159,147 nationwide. As for the Catholics, 833,566 out of a total of 3,960,891 nationwide lived in the north-eastern province of Ireland in the same year. See W. E. Vaughan and A. J. Fitzpatrick (eds.), Irish Historical Statistics. Population, 1821-1971, Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1978, 49, 59.
See Peter Gibbon, op. cit., 120-127; Brendan Clifford, op. cit., 84-87; Jean Guiffan, op. cit., 60-63; André Guillaume, op. cit., 40-41; Nancy J. Curtin, op. cit., 284.
The Irish Times, 22 December 1885, 5. On the Orangemen’s rallying calls against the repeal of the Union, see also The Irish Times, 23 December 1885, 5.
See D. C. Savage, “The Origins of the Ulster Unionist Party, 1885-86”, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 12, 1961, 185-208; Aiken McClelland, “The Later Orange Order”, inT. D. Williams (ed.), op. cit., 130-132.
This form of nationalism, also endorsed by a tiny minority of upper-middle class Catholics, should not be confused with Protestant nationalism which constituted the most radical hue within the Unionist ideology.
Peter Gibbon, op. cit., 136-137.
Thomas Hennessey, “Ulster Unionist Territorial and National Identities, 1886-93. Province, Island, Kingdom and Empire”, Irish Political Studies, vol. 8, 1993, 35.
On the different features of Unionism, see Colin Coulter, “The Character of Unionism”, Irish Political Studies, vol. 9, 1994, 1-24.
The exact date of the formal alliance between both secret societies remains a matter of speculation. See Nancy J. Curtin, op. cit., 165.
See Ibid., 49 and Wesley Hutchinson, op. cit., 87.
See Nancy J. Curtin, “The Transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a Mass-Based Revolutionary Organisation, 1794-96”, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 14, 1984-85, 481-482.
See Jim Smyth, The Men of No Property. Irish Radicals and Popular Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1992, 45-67, 100-120; Nancy J. Curtin, Transformation, op.cit., 476-479; Nancy J. Curtin, United Irishmen, op. cit., 63, 148-154, 157; Thomas Bartlett, “Select Documents XXXVIII. Defenders and Defenderism in 1795”, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 24, 1985, 373-380; Tom Garvin, op. cit., 27-29 and “Defenders, Ribbonmen and Others. Underground Political Networks in Pre-Famine Ireland”, Past and Present, vol. 96, 1982, 142-144.
The Northern Star, 7 January 1792, 4.
See Nancy J. Curtin, The United Irishmen, op. cit., 10-11, 32-35, 159-162; Jim Smyth, The Men of No Property, op. cit., 67, 112-113.
Understood here as a set of radical doctrines and movements supposed to represent the socio-economic interests of a peasantry victimized by urban elites and economic modernity. See Dictionnaire de la pensée politique, Paris : Hatier, 1989, 610-613.
Nancy J. Curtin, United Irishmen, op. cit., 36-37, 119-121; Curtin, “The Transformation of the Society of United Irishmen”, op. cit., 490-492.
On the French military expedition led by General Humbert from August to September 1798. See John Cooney, “Two French Revolutionary Soldiers in Rebel Ireland, 1798”, Études Irlandaises, vol. 13, n° 2, 1988, 101-107; John Cooney, « En Campagne avec l’armée d’Humbert », Études Irlandaises, vol. 23 n° 2, 1998, 137-149.
Jean Guiffan, op. cit., 34. « Plus qu’une révolution nationale, le soulèvement de 1798 fut une grande jacquerie qui prit souvent des allures de guerre de religion, de vaste “chouannerie”. Fanatisés par leurs prêtres, les paysans catholiques se livrèrent souvent aux pires excès contre les protestants auxquels répondirent les atrocités des yeomen. C’est la méfiance du clergé irlandais envers la France révolutionnaire qui explique en grande partie le faible soutien des paysans catholiques révoltés aux “libérateurs” envoyés par Wolfe Tone : l’alliance d’une partie de la bourgeoisie protestante libérale et de la paysannerie catholique traditionaliste tourna court. La grande idée de réconciliation et de fraternisation interconfessionnelles lancée par les “Irlandais Unis” était morte », (my translation).
It is worth remembering here that, in July 1803, a group of former United Irishmen led by Robert Emmet launched another rebellion which also ended in failure.
On this topic, see Ronnie Munck, Ireland. Nation, State and Class Struggle, London: Westview Press, 1985, 79-80; Stephen Bowler, “Sean Murray (1868-1961) and the Pursuit of Stalinism in one Country”, Saothar, vol. 18, 1993, 44-45.
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